US
government implicated in planned theft of Iraqi artistic treasures
By Ann Talbot of wsws.org
April 19, 2003
As the full extent of
the looting of Iraq’s National Museum in Baghdad emerges, it becomes clear that
there was nothing accidental about it. Rather it was the result of a long planned
project to plunder the artistic and historical treasures that are held in the
museums of Iraq.
Had the National Museum of Iraq been looted by
poor slum dwellers it would have been crime enough, and the responsibility
would have rested with the American administration that refused, despite
repeated warnings, to provide for the security of Baghdad’s cultural buildings.
Once the museum staff were able to communicate
with the outside world, however, it became apparent that the looting was not
random. It was the work of people who knew what they were looking for and came
specially equipped for the job.
Dr. Dony George, head of the Baghdad Museum,
said, “I believe they were people who knew what they wanted. They had passed by
the gypsum copy of the Black Obelisk. This means that they must have been
specialists. They did not touch those copies.”
Speaking on Britain’s Channel 4 News, he told
Dr. John Curtis of the British Museum that among the artifacts that have been
stolen are the sacred vase of Warka, a 5,000-year-old golden vessel found at
Ur, an Akkadian statue base, and an Assyrian statue. It was, said Dr. Curtis,
“Like stealing the Mona Lisa.”
It was only almost a week after the museum was
originally looted that Dr. George was able to alert archaeologists worldwide to
what had been stolen. The American military authorities had made no effort to
prevent the objects leaving Baghdad or to put in process an international
search for the stolen artifacts.
The US reluctance to act cannot be explained
by any lack of warning. Professional archaeologists and art historians had told
the Pentagon of the danger of looting beforehand. Dr. Irving Finkel of the
British Museum told Channel 4 that the looting was “entirely predictable and
could easily have been stopped.”
The museum was the victim of a carefully
planned assault. The thieves who took the most valuable material came prepared
with equipment to lift the heaviest objects, which the staff could not move
from the galleries, and had keys to the vaults where the most valuable items
were stored. Not since the Nazis systematically stripped the museums of Europe
has such a crime been committed.
The US online publication of BusinessWeek magazine
reiterated the theme of premeditation and conspiracy in the looting of Iraq’s
museums in an April 17 article headlined “Were Baghdad’s
Antiquity Thieves Ready?” The article carries the subtitle: “They may have known just what they were looking for because
dealers ordered the most important pieces well in advance.”
BusinessWeek writes:
“It was almost as if the perpetrators were waiting for Baghdad to fall to make
their move. Gil J. Stein, a professor of archaeology at the University of
Chicago, which has been conducting digs in Iraq for 80 years, believes that
dealers ordered the most important pieces well in advance. ‘They were looking
for very specific artifacts,’ he says. ‘They knew where to look.’”
Since the last Gulf War in 1991 Iraqi
antiquities have flooded onto the market from the museums that were looted then
and from archaeological sites that have been attacked with bulldozers. At such
locations ancient statues have been sawed apart so they could be exported.
This plundering of Iraq’s cultural heritage
has only whetted the appetite of collectors who are already responsible for looting
Far Eastern, Latin American and Italian archaeological sites. With the collapse
of global stock markets, works of art and antiquities have come to be regarded
even more highly as a secure investment, fuelling an already huge underground
market.
The illegal trade in antiquities is thought to
be as lucrative as drugs trafficking, to which it is often linked. According to
a report by the McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, “The Trade in
illicit Antiquities: the Destruction of the World’s Archaeological Heritage,”
produced in 2001, London and New York are the main markets for this trade.
Switzerland, which allows an art work that has been in the country for five
years to be granted a legal title, is a key trans-shipment point.
Professor Lord Renfrew of Kaimsthorn, director
of the McDonald Institute at Cambridge, told a press conference at the report’s
launch that the trade continued because “The government is in the pocket of the
art market, which wants to keep the flow of antiquities.” He added, “It’s a
scandal.”
As news of the latest looting broke, the
Labour government of British Prime Minister Tony Blair organised a hasty press
conference in the British Museum, at which Culture Secretary Tessa Jowell
promised official support to protect Iraqi antiquities.
Even as she spoke, the National Library of
Iraq was being looted. Home to rare, centuries-old illuminated copies of the
Koran and other examples of Islamic calligraphy, as well as irreplaceable
historical documents from the Ottoman Empire, the building was set on fire,
destroying an untold number of texts.
Reporter Robert Fisk, who saw the flames, ran
to get US marines in an attempt to save some of the collection, but they
refused to help. Fisk wrote in the Independent, “I gave the map location,
the precise name in Arabic and English. I said the smoke could be seen from
three miles away and it would take only five minutes to drive there. Half an
hour later, there wasn’t an American at the scene and the flames were shooting
200 feet into the air.”
After the fate of Baghdad museum, it can only
be concluded that the generalised looting and arson at the library served to
cover up a more systematic crime, in which select manuscripts were stolen for
wealthy collectors. In the process they connived in the burning of
books—another Nazi practice.
The role of the ACCP
In the aftermath of these two devastating
attacks on culture, attention has focused on the activities of the American
Council for Cultural Policy. Even the British press that works under some of
the toughest libel laws in the world has been willing to suggest that the ACCP
may have influenced US government policy on Iraqi cultural artifacts.
The ACCP was formed in 2001 by a group of
wealthy art collectors to lobby against the Cultural Property Implementation
Act, which attempts to regulate the art market and stop the flow of stolen
goods into the US. It has defended New York art dealer Frederick Schultz, who
was convicted under the National Stolen Property Act, and opposes the use of
the 1977 US v. McClain decision as a legal precedent in cases concerning the
handling of stolen art objects.
In the McClain case a US judge accepted that
all pre-Columbian art or jewellery brought into the US without the express
consent of the Mexican government was stolen property. Mexican law regards all
archaeological artifacts as state property and bans their export. Mexico is one
of a number of countries that has such legislation.
Ashton Hawkins, a leading art lawyer and
founder of the ACCP, regards such legislation as “retentionist”. He has
condemned the archaeologically rich “source” countries for attempting to
protect their archaeological sites and museums by such measures, and has argued
that under the Clinton administration such “retentionist” policies came to
dominate US government policy.
Hawkins has his sights set on the great Middle
Eastern museums. He has called for the Egyptian antiquities that are held in
the Cairo Museum to be dispersed. “I would like to propose,” he said, “that the
Cairo Museum offer museums around the world the opportunity to acquire up to 50
objects for their collections. In return, the museums would make a very
substantial contribution for the construction of the new museum under the Giza
plateau—$1 million each, for example.”
The ACCP’s inaugural meeting took place at the
Fifth Avenue apartment of Guido Goldman, a collector of Uzbek textiles. Among
those present were Arthur Houghton, the former curator of the Getty Museum at
Malibu in California, which is notorious for displaying works of suspicious
provenance. Hawkins himself retired in 2000 as vice president of the trustees
of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, an institution that, according
to its own former director, Thomas Hoving, holds many artifacts looted from
Etruscan tombs.
Before the war began, the ACCP met with
Pentagon officials, declaring their great concern for Iraqi antiquities. What
that concern means is evident from the remarks of William Pearlstein, the group’s
treasurer, who also describes Iraqi laws on antiquities as “retentionist”. The ACCP deny that they want Iraqi laws changed,
but the looting of the museum and library will effectively circumvent that
problem if US law on stolen art objects and archaeological material can be
changed.
Professor John Merryman of Stanford Law School
and a member of the ACCP has called for a “selective international enforcement
of export controls” in US courts. In other words, it should be perfectly
legitimate to import the objects looted from Baghdad if a US court chooses not
to recognise Iraqi legislation.
Merryman set out the organisation’s principles
in a 1998 paper in which he argued that the fact that an art object had been
stolen did not in itself bar it from lawful importation into the US.
He went on to claim, “The existence of a
market preserves cultural objects that might otherwise be destroyed or
neglected by providing them with a market value. In an open, legitimate trade
cultural objects can move to the people and institutions that value them most
and are therefore most likely to care for them” ( International
Law and Politics, vol. 31: 1).
This is a self-justifying argument that reeks
of hypocrisy. Wealthy collectors can now point to the chaos on the streets of
Baghdad, the looting of the museum and the burning of the library as evidence
that the Iraqis are unable or unwilling—too poor or too ignorant—to look after
their treasures, which would be better housed in American museums or private
collections.
The ACCP’s ideas represent the interests of
particularly rapacious sections of the US ruling class, who operate on the
principle that everything—even an object of priceless artistic or scientific
value—is defined by its “market value”.
What they mean is price, since the real value
of the objects stolen from the Museum of Baghdad and the Iraqi National Library
is incalculable. These are quite literally people who understand the price of
everything and the value of nothing.
The prescription for the market to determine
possession of and access to works of art and archaeological material would
place these artifacts in the hands of a rich minority and make public access to
them depend on the good will of their wealthy owners. Despite the fact that
many of the ACCP members have been associated with major public institutions,
their agenda is profoundly opposed to the public dissemination of art and
archaeology. They are not only trying to change the law in other countries, but
are working against the most progressive traditions of American society, which
has always prized its public museums.
A scientific tradition
The development of public museums went hand in
hand with the development of a scientific understanding of archaeological
artifacts and the societies that produced them. Publicly funded museums
represented a break with the tradition of private treasure hunting. Their
exhibits aimed to display the material artifacts of the past in a rational and
scientific manner.
The accumulation of archaeological artifacts
in private hands tends to disrupt scientific work, since material becomes
scattered, is difficult to catalogue and much of it remains unknown to scholars
working in the field. Public museums are public not only in their funding and
because they open their galleries to visitors, but in the sense that they make
knowledge available to all—something that has been recognised as a primary
requisite of the scientific process since the scientific revolution of the
seventeenth century.
One of the effects of the looting of the
Baghdad museum has been to destroy the card catalogue and computer records of
the museum’s holdings. This has not only made tracking down its treasures more
difficult, but has also undermined generations of patient archaeological work.
To destroy such a catalogue is, both in a symbolic and practical sense, to make
a collection private, because its contents become unknown to the outside world.
While the major objects are well known
internationally, a museum’s records goes far beyond these spectacular works of
art. It includes all the minor finds of archaeological excavations that, in
themselves, are not eye-catching, but when studied together produce a picture
of a society that cannot be gained from its art alone.
Archaeologists spend their time sifting the
detritus of past civilisations, often literally. They may sieve tons of earth
looking for beetle wing cases or seeds. Cess pits and rubbish heaps produce a
wealth of knowledge. What is thrown away and discarded provides a context for
the relics of great temples and palaces, or royal tombs.
Petr Charvat’s recent book Mesopotamia
before History [1] contains lovingly photographed images of pieces of mud
impressed with rush matting. This is not the stuff to grace a collector’s
cabinet, but reveals vital information about the craft skills and way of life
of ancient Mesopotamians.
A blow to world scholarship
The Baghdad museum was more than a place to
display artifacts. All excavations carried out in Iraq by international teams
of archaeologists were reported to it. The museum therefore possessed a
database of knowledge that was accessible to researchers internationally, and
was the hub of a vast cooperative endeavour. Its looting and the destruction of
its records are a blow to world scholarship. It threatens to turn the clock
back more than 150 years to the period before scientific archaeology in
Mesopotamia.
Early excavations were by modern standards
unscientific, as excavators were still learning their discipline by a process
of trial and error. One of the most elementary lessons of that learning process
was that context is everything in archaeology. An artifact can only tell its
full story if its context is known.
By context, an archaeologist means the
physical position of an artifact in the ground, its relationship to other
artifacts and to the layers of earth around it. From this information it is
possible to determine an artifact’s relative date and considerable information
about its practical use and social significance. Ripped out of this context, it
loses much of its meaning. Even the finest work of art can be better
appreciated when its context and the social conditions of its creators are
understood.
In its widest sense, understanding an
artifact’s context means understanding its relationship to the entire
archaeological site at which it was found, to other sites round about it, and
to the historic landscape in which it belongs. While national feelings are
often evoked to justify keeping archaeological artifacts in their country of
origin, the more important scientific reason for doing so is that the context
of the artifact is preserved by keeping it close to where it was found.
It is still possible to see in modern Iraq
houses built by similar methods to those employed by ancient builders and to
see boats built to similar designs. The full significance of Mesopotamian
artifacts can only be appreciated by seeing them in the context of the
extraordinary landscape of modern Iraq—a country where every hill that rises
above the plain has been built up from layers of mud brick representing
generations of occupation.
The American colonial administrator, retired
general Jay Garner, tried to co-opt the emotional impact of that landscape for
his own political purposes by holding his big tent meeting within view of the
4,000-year-old ziggurat of Ur, which was the temple platform for the moon god
Nanna. But by allowing the museum of Baghdad to be looted, the US authorities
have shown they have no regard for the real importance of Iraq to human history.
When the medieval European cartographers who
drew the thirteenth century Hereford map of the world set out to represent the
planet on which they lived, they put Asia at the top because to them it was the
most important continent. There lay the lands of the Bible. Jerusalem was at
the very centre of their world view, and beyond it lay Babylon, the scene of
the Jewish captivity, the Tower of Babel and Abraham’s home in the city of Ur.
So deeply impressed on the European mind was
the Biblical image of the world that the first excavators of ancient sites in
this region were looking for confirmation of the Bible. Even in the twentieth
century, Leonard Woolley referred to his excavations at Warka by the Biblical
name of Ur of the Chaldees.
Yet the material that came out the excavations
carried out by Woolley, and others such as Layard, Botta and Hormuzd Rassam,
shook the Biblical view of the world. Not the least important discovery was
that familiar Bible stories such as Noah and the Flood had their origin in
Mesopotamia long before the Bible was written. As the cuneiform writing of
thousands of clay tablets was deciphered, it was realised that numerous complex
and highly developed civilisations had existed in Mesopotamia of an antiquity
never before guessed.
The full extent of this history only became
apparent as the technique of Carbon 14 dating and other scientific methods were
refined. Only in the second half of the twentieth century was it realised that
settled farming could be traced back to the mid-eleventh millennium BC in the
Middle East.
The cradle of civilization
The earliest farming communities do not occur
in the area that is present-day Iraq, but in the better watered highlands of
the Zagros Mountains, Anatolia, the Levant and the Deh Luran Plain.
Nevertheless, Iraq was the centre of the second phase of the protracted
Neolithic Revolution that began with the domestication of animals and cereal
crops.
In Iraq that revolution went a significant
step further with the development of irrigation, a technique that vastly
increased agricultural productivity. The surplus produced by irrigation allowed
the first urban civilisation on the planet to emerge in the very region that
the combined military forces of the US and the UK are reducing to a wasteland.
By 5800 BC, small farming communities were
appearing along the Euphrates. Within a few centuries they had coalesced into
dense urban settlements, each of several thousand people centred on a temple
which was largely responsible for managing the irrigation system, distributing
food, and importing stone, minerals and timber from the neighbouring highlands.
Over two millennia these Mesopotamian cities
developed the art of copper smelting, alloying bronze and, most importantly,
writing. Writing was essential to the administration of cities that depended on
a largely artificial ecosystem created by irrigation, and which needed to
import even the most vital raw materials.[2]
Writing enabled a dramatic intellectual development
to take place. What began as a method of recording stores and deliveries became
a medium for writing poetry, stories and history. Science and mathematics
flourished.
Modern research has revealed evidence of
multiplication tables, tables of reciprocals, squares, square roots, cubes and
logarithms to bases 2 and 16. Other texts show volumes and areas, linear and
quadratic equations. Babylonian mathematicians calculated the value of pi to
3.125, close to its true value. Astronomy was highly developed and if it was
understood in terms of omens and prophecy, its predictions of eclipses and the
movement of the planets were nonetheless accurate.[3]
The social and political structure of
Mesopotamian society cannot be traced directly from its material remains, and
archaeologists differ about its character and the course of its development,
but Petr Charvat finds in Mesopotamian society to 3000 BC that “in all spheres
of society the principle of universality and equality comes to the fore ... the
material standard of living is equalised by redistribution ... people meet in
assemblies to discuss and decide matters of common interest.... All receive the
same treatment in life and death” ( Mesopotamia Before History, pp.
158-59).
From 3000 BC there is some evidence of social
stratification and the emergence of a political elite or ruling class in the “royal burials” of Ur, but some archaeologists dispute this
characterisation of those burials.
In this period two great civilisations emerge:
in the south of present-day Iraq is the Sumerian civilization, and in the north
the Akkadian, which are both based on a collection of city states that preserve
many of the cultural traditions of the earlier period. Not until 2334 BC does
the first empire appear under the rule of Sargon of Agade, who unites these two
confederations.
Sargon’s short-lived empire was replaced by
that of Ur Nammu in 2112 BC. The thousands of clay tablets that survive from
this period testify to the careful management of resources that kept this
empire alive until 1990 BC, when it was replaced by the Babylonian empire,
which reached its high point under Hammurabi in 1792 BC.
The mid-fourteenth century BC saw the rise of
the first Assyrian empire. The Assyrians were to dominate Mesopotamia again,
and the whole region from the Gulf to the Mediterranean in the ninth century
BC. In 612 BC the Babylonian empire was established. It most outstanding ruler,
Nebuchadnezzar, built the Hanging Gardens of Babylon, the double walls of the
city, the great ziggurat and the processional way. He was responsible for
sacking Jerusalem and taking many of the Jews into captivity.
This succession of empires and the Persian
empire that followed were sustained by the immense productivity of the
irrigation system and the complex system of administration that maintained it.
The sophisticated concepts that had been developed in the process fed into the
intellectual systems of later societies. Even the Greeks, from whom we derive
the name for the land between the rivers, stood in awe of Mesopotamia’s
achievements.
One of the ministries that has been
systematically destroyed in the recent days of looting is the Ministry of
Irrigation. We might say that by this act the US administration seeks to drive
Iraq back to the dark ages, except that Iraq has never known a dark age in the
sense that Europe has. Empires might rise and fall, but as long as the
irrigation system continued to function the land between the rivers could
produce more food than it needed. By attacking the irrigation system, the US
administration is causing more damage in a few weeks than any other previous
invader.
Iraq’s cultural significance did not end with
the close of the Persian empire. Throughout the European dark ages it remained
a haven of learning, preserving under the Caliphs of Baghdad classical texts
lost in the West. Islamic scholarship was to prove vital to the re-emergence of
Aristotelian philosophy in thirteenth century Europe and to the Renaissance.
The full extent of the losses in this respect
will only become apparent when the looting at the National Library is itemised.
That account is yet to come.
What is already clear is that a great crime
has been committed against not only the Iraqi people, but against the whole of
humanity, since it is the history of humanity that has been attacked. For this
reason the sack of Baghdad marks a significant point on the trajectory of the
Bush administration as it attempts to plunge the world into a new barbarism
that would outstrip anything that history can show from the past.
Notes:
1. Petr Charvلt, Mesopotamia
before History, Routledge, 2002.
2. Brian M. Fagan, People of the Earth, Prentice Hall, 2001.
3. Michael Roaf, Cultural Atlas of Mesopotamia, Equinox books, 1990
Please read and feel free to forward,
print, and publish.
We would like to apologize fro any repeated messages, and
any typing or grammatical errors.
We act because we believe in this quote: ” You can fool some
people some time, but you cannot fool all people all time”
Thanks to
Masad Arbid
Mohamed S. Kamel
internationalnews-owner@yahoogroups.com
www.apm-ram.com
Disclaimer
We are committed
to free knowledge, unless otherwise indicated, the opinions, personal articles
or news analysis expressed on this e-mails are not necessarily those of the
sender. This e-mail has been compiled in good faith. It is our condition that,
in exchange for this free information, you the receiver accept that we will not
be liable for any action you, the user take based on the information in this
e-mail. It is essential that you, the user verify any and/or all information
contained herein before making your final decision. This e-mail does not
necessarily endorse the ideas or presentation of ideas of the sites it links to
and with. We make no representations about any linked web site's accuracy,
completeness, and authenticity. We firmly believe in the Freedom of Speech. We
believe in civilized exchange of ideas and thoughts. We will hold any one
trying to damage our image legally responsible before the courts and will keep
ourselves the right to pursue the perpetrators to the maximum law limit. If you
do not agree with this disclaimer or would like to stop receiving our e-mails,
please unsubscribe, if you find that this e-mail is a good source of knowledge
and would like to invite any others, please feel free.
Al-Awda, The Palestine Right to Return Coalition, is the largest network of
grassroots activists dedicated to Palestinian human rights. To find out how to
join an Al-Awda action committee in your area, please visit our website at http://al-awda.org